Book Review: Larraín, Identity and Modernity in Latin America

Jorge Larraín.
Identity and Modernity in Latin America.
Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000, 250 pages,
$US 28.95 paper (0-7456-2624-6), $US 62.95 cloth (0-7456-2623-8)

Jorge Larraín Ibáñez is a well-known Chilean sociologist and cultural historian. He has taught social theory at the University of Birmingham since 1977, and is also Head of the Department of Social Sciences at Alberto Hurtado University, in Santiago. Identity and Modernity in Latin America draws on ideas Larraín has already developed elsewhere in Spanish, particularly in his award-winning book Modernidad, Razón e Identidad en América Latina (Santiago: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1996). However, Identity and Modernity is much more than a mere translation or an adaptation of Larraín's previous work for English-language readers. The author has written an introduction to Latin America that is both appealing for graduate students and scholars who are already familiar with Latin American history, politics and literature. Through an innovative approach and drawing on numerous and diverse sources, Larraín portrays the cultural transformations and processes of modernization that have occurred in Latin America since colonial times. Most of his theses are thought-provoking, and some of them are controversial. But his arguments are always clearly expressed and, as James Dunkerley, from the Institute of Latin American Studies at the University of London justly points out, Larraín's work is "delightfully free of the pious neologisms that so often infect cultural studies".

Larraín's book is "about modernity and identity in Latin America, their trajectories and relationships" (p. 1). His objective is to "show historically how ... Latin America has been simultaneously constructing its cultural identity and modernizing" (p. 6). After dwelling in the complex question of Latin American identity (can one really speak of a common cultural ethos between Latin American nations?) and the way in which it is connected to the processes of modernity (is enlightened modernity, a European phenomenon, completely alien to Latin America?), the author scrutinizes Latin American cultural history by distinguishing six main periods, from colonial times to the present (1492-1810; 1810-1900; 1900-50; 1950-70; 1970-90; 1990 onwards). One chapter is devoted to each one of these periods. As a conclusion to his analysis, Larraín presents what he considers to be the key elements of Latin American cultural specificity, those characteristics which mark a contrast with other trajectories to modernity: traditionalism and political personalism; the fragility of political institutions; authoritarianism; social marginality; the importance of religion. Larraín stresses that these features are not to be essentialized: "they are the result of history and they can change" (p. 191).

The main thesis of the book is summarized in the following quote: "It may be well that Latin American modernity is not the same as the European one, but neither is it totally disconnected from it. Latin American modernity is a hybrid that is neither purely endogenous nor totally imposed from without" (p. 140). The corollary to this thesis is that Latin America's political, economic, and social problems "are not necessarily an expression of the failure of modernity in Latin America, but an expression of Latin America's specific manner of being in modernity" (p. 141). Of course, this assertion is bound to give rise to controversy, particularly among those who see Latin America as a non-Western "civilization." As Larraín remarks, many Latin American intellectuals argue that Latin America's "true identity" has been abandoned, forgotten or ignored by "instrumental reason, alienated enlightened elites and neoliberal modernizing attempts" (p. 148). Larraín refers to a fellow Chilean, Cristián Parker, as an extreme example of this perspective. Parker claims that a Latin American people have a mode of thinking that is fundamentally at odds with "the Promethean anthropology of Western modernity" (p. 163). Larraín criticizes this kind of radical "essentialism", but he also warns against other invitations – subtler but also dangerous – to "make fundamentalist distinctions" based on cultural identities (p. 164).

But the "essentialist" bias is not only found in the defensive discourse of those who want to preserve Latin America's identity from being corrupted by Western modernity. The positivist and liberal theories of the end of the nineteenth century appealed to Latin Americans "to get rid of their Indo-Iberian legacy in order to become the 'North Americans of the south'" (p. 180). These old theories have evolved and mutated, but some of their core assumptions are still held by many, particularly the idea that there is a "cultural resistance" to modernization in Latin America. Some authors point to specific cultural values that hinder development and democracy: "resistance to change, the emphasis on order and unity, centralism, symmetry, organicity, tradition" (p. 176). In this respect, Larraín's book offers us some interesting insights to tackle current political and academic debates.

Since the early 1990s, there has been a renewal of interest in culture among social scientists that study the economic and political performance of contemporary societies. The "cultural variable", closely associated to the modernization theories of the 1950s and 1960s, had been largely dismissed in the 1970s and 1980s as a valid explanation of poverty and authoritarianism in Third World countries (and also as an explanation of the under-achievement of certain minorities in affluent societies). However, the notion that "culture matters" to development is currently undergoing a strong revival. This revival of cultural interpretations build on certain aspects of the Weberian tradition (particularly on Max Weber's thesis of the link between the Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism), as well as on the Tocquevillian analysis of the connection between "morals" and democracy.

This neo-culturalist approach has received much criticism from those who see it as the intellectual offspring of a larger social conservative offensive that stresses the importance of "values" – that is, in most cases, specific values such as family, social order, individual responsibility, trust – and disassociate itself from cultural relativism. Even though Larraín does not address directly this issue, he gives us tools to reflect on the relationship between culture and modernity in the wake of economic globalization. Although the adoption of profit-seeking capitalism and individualistic attitudes can have – and most of the time do have – deleterious effects on particular cultures, it is a fact that a growing number of people around the world uphold to some extent the notion of individual choice, both in the political and the economic realms. The question many social commentators raise today is: to what degree is the "cultural soul" exchanged for Western-like prosperity and pluralism? Obviously, Larraín's book does not provide us with an answer. But it masterfully shows us how tricky this question can be.

Victor Armony
Université du Québec à Montréal
armony.victor@uqam.ca



		Canadian Journal of Sociology Online March - April 2002 Jorge Larraín. Identity and Modernity in Latin America. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000, 250 pages, $US 28.95 paper (0-7456-2624-6), $US 62.95 cloth (0-7456-2623-8) Jorge Larraín Ibáñez is a well-known Chilean sociologist and cultural historian. He has taught social theory at the University of Birmingham since 1977, and is also Head of the Department of Social Sciences at Alberto Hurtado University, in Santiago. Identity and Modernity in Latin America draws on ideas Larraín has already developed elsewhere in Spanish, particularly in his award-winning book Modernidad, Razón e Identidad en América Latina (Santiago: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1996). However, Identity and Modernity is much more than a mere translation or an adaptation of Larraín's previous work for English-language readers. The author has written an introduction to Latin America that is both appealing for graduate students and scholars who are already familiar with Latin American history, politics and literature. Through an innovative approach and drawing on numerous and diverse sources, Larraín portrays the cultural transformations and processes of modernization that have occurred in Latin America since colonial times. Most of his theses are thought-provoking, and some of them are controversial. But his arguments are always clearly expressed and, as James Dunkerley, from the Institute of Latin American Studies at the University of London justly points out, Larraín's work is "delightfully free of the pious neologisms that so often infect cultural studies". Larraín's book is "about modernity and identity in Latin America, their trajectories and relationships" (p. 1). His objective is to "show historically how ... Latin America has been simultaneously constructing its cultural identity and modernizing" (p. 6). After dwelling in the complex question of Latin American identity (can one really speak of a common cultural ethos between Latin American nations?) and the way in which it is connected to the processes of modernity (is enlightened modernity, a European phenomenon, completely alien to Latin America?), the author scrutinizes Latin American cultural history by distinguishing six main periods, from colonial times to the present (1492-1810; 1810-1900; 1900-50; 1950-70; 1970-90; 1990 onwards). One chapter is devoted to each one of these periods. As a conclusion to his analysis, Larraín presents what he considers to be the key elements of Latin American cultural specificity, those characteristics which mark a contrast with other trajectories to modernity: traditionalism and political personalism; the fragility of political institutions; authoritarianism; social marginality; the importance of religion. Larraín stresses that these features are not to be essentialized: "they are the result of history and they can change" (p. 191). The main thesis of the book is summarized in the following quote: "It may be well that Latin American modernity is not the same as the European one, but neither is it totally disconnected from it. Latin American modernity is a hybrid that is neither purely endogenous nor totally imposed from without" (p. 140). The corollary to this thesis is that Latin America's political, economic, and social problems "are not necessarily an expression of the failure of modernity in Latin America, but an expression of Latin America's specific manner of being in modernity" (p. 141). Of course, this assertion is bound to give rise to controversy, particularly among those who see Latin America as a non-Western "civilization." As Larraín remarks, many Latin American intellectuals argue that Latin America's "true identity" has been abandoned, forgotten or ignored by "instrumental reason, alienated enlightened elites and neoliberal modernizing attempts" (p. 148). Larraín refers to a fellow Chilean, Cristián Parker, as an extreme example of this perspective. Parker claims that a Latin American people have a mode of thinking that is fundamentally at odds with "the Promethean anthropology of Western modernity" (p. 163). Larraín criticizes this kind of radical "essentialism", but he also warns against other invitations – subtler but also dangerous – to "make fundamentalist distinctions" based on cultural identities (p. 164). But the "essentialist" bias is not only found in the defensive discourse of those who want to preserve Latin America's identity from being corrupted by Western modernity. The positivist and liberal theories of the end of the nineteenth century appealed to Latin Americans "to get rid of their Indo-Iberian legacy in order to become the 'North Americans of the south'" (p. 180). These old theories have evolved and mutated, but some of their core assumptions are still held by many, particularly the idea that there is a "cultural resistance" to modernization in Latin America. Some authors point to specific cultural values that hinder development and democracy: "resistance to change, the emphasis on order and unity, centralism, symmetry, organicity, tradition" (p. 176). In this respect, Larraín's book offers us some interesting insights to tackle current political and academic debates. Since the early 1990s, there has been a renewal of interest in culture among social scientists that study the economic and political performance of contemporary societies. The "cultural variable", closely associated to the modernization theories of the 1950s and 1960s, had been largely dismissed in the 1970s and 1980s as a valid explanation of poverty and authoritarianism in Third World countries (and also as an explanation of the under-achievement of certain minorities in affluent societies). However, the notion that "culture matters" to development is currently undergoing a strong revival. This revival of cultural interpretations build on certain aspects of the Weberian tradition (particularly on Max Weber's thesis of the link between the Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism), as well as on the Tocquevillian analysis of the connection between "morals" and democracy. This neo-culturalist approach has received much criticism from those who see it as the intellectual offspring of a larger social conservative offensive that stresses the importance of "values" – that is, in most cases, specific values such as family, social order, individual responsibility, trust – and disassociate itself from cultural relativism. Even though Larraín does not address directly this issue, he gives us tools to reflect on the relationship between culture and modernity in the wake of economic globalization. Although the adoption of profit-seeking capitalism and individualistic attitudes can have – and most of the time do have – deleterious effects on particular cultures, it is a fact that a growing number of people around the world uphold to some extent the notion of individual choice, both in the political and the economic realms. The question many social commentators raise today is: to what degree is the "cultural soul" exchanged for Western-like prosperity and pluralism? Obviously, Larraín's book does not provide us with an answer. But it masterfully shows us how tricky this question can be. Victor Armony Université du Québec à Montréal armony.victor@uqam.ca http://www.arts.ualberta.ca/cjscopy/reviews/latidentity.html March 2002 © CJS Online